Gantz & Lapid: Similarities across the Center
February 1, 2019 05:00
Gantz is soaring right now in
the polls and has turned his party into the greatest threat to
Netanyahu’s continued reign. Nevertheless, the Center-Left bloc doesn't
have the numbers to beat him.
Benny Gantz makes his maiden campaign address for prime minister at the Tel Aviv Fairgrounds on Tuesday night.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Sound like Benny Gantz at his coming-out speech on Tuesday? You’re
right, it does. But it wasn’t Gantz who made the above statement. It was
Yair Lapid, leader of Yesh Atid, who made the comment during a speech
in the Knesset over a year ago.
This is what Gantz said on
Tuesday: “There was already a king who said: ‘The State is me.’ But no,
not here. No Israeli leader is a king. The state is not me; the state is
you. The state is actually us – the state is all of us.”
Here is
another example. On January 3, Lapid posted the following on Facebook:
“Mr. Netanyahu, do you know what happens when a ruler forgets that he
serves the public? A civil revolt.” Below the text, Lapid posted a photo
of France’s King Louis XIV and the famous words attributed to him:
‘L’etat c’est moi’ – ‘I am the state.’
In his rollout speech on
Tuesday night Gantz said: “The basic values of Israeli statehood have
been converted into the mannerisms of a French royal house.”
And
one last comparison: on Tuesday Gantz said: “A strong government governs
to unite and doesn’t govern in order to separate… I feel that the time
has come for new leadership, which will create a united, unified,
cohesive society.”
A few weeks earlier, in Rishon Lezion, Lapid
said: “Israeli society’s strength doesn’t come from separating in order
to govern; it comes from uniting in order to govern. That is what we
will do – unite and govern.”
I DIDN’T list these similarities
because I suspect that Gantz lifted parts of his speech from Lapid. That
is not the case. The reason the speeches are similar is because Lapid
and Gantz’s positions are similar – and they both are appealing to the
same constituents. As a result, they will naturally voice the same
messages – disgust with corruption, the need for unity, and the
importance of hope.
They represent a demographic of Israelis who
want security but are fed up with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
They want Israel to be strong, but can’t stand the divisiveness of the
Likud Party and its members; they want their politicians to stop
attacking one another, and instead present the people with a positive
vision: one of hope.
Gantz is soaring right now in the polls and
has turned his party – Israel Resilience – into the greatest threat to
Netanyahu’s continued reign. Nevertheless, the Center-Left bloc that he
belongs to still does not reach 61 Knesset seats, the number needed to
defeat Netanyahu. As the post-speech polls show, Gantz’s new votes came
from Lapid and Labor, not Likud or the New Right. What this means is
that Lapid voters are pretty much Gantz voters and vice versa.
And
that is basically the main challenge: how to pull votes away from the
right-wing bloc that according to this week’s polls still stands the
best chance of winning the election and having one of its
representatives – likely Benjamin Netanyahu – tapped to form the next coalition.
T IS NOT even clear that a merger between Gantz and Lapid would move
votes between the blocs. For now, Lapid won’t agree to step down from
the No. 1 spot – and neither will Gantz.
On the one hand, it’s
understandable. On an emotional level, Lapid looks at Gantz and gets
upset. He has put seven years into politics and now, all of a sudden, a
former chief of staff comes and steals his votes. On the other hand,
Lapid knows that this is how politics is played, and recognizes that
Gantz is basically what he was in 2013 when Yesh Atid surprised everyone
by winning 19 Knesset seats. For an eventual merger to happen, the two
will likely need to agree on a rotation as prime minister if they win:
two years Lapid and then two years Gantz, or the opposite.
If and
until that happens, the deal Gantz made with Moshe “Bogie” Ya’alon is
critical for his potential success. While his party is mostly up in
polls because of the star effect of his speech, the alliance with
Ya’alon shores up Gantz’s right-wing credentials, and is the best
defense against claims – already voiced by Likud – that he is left-wing
and dangerous to the State of Israel.
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